By Thea Cacchioni
In 2010, Thea Cacchioni testified sooner than the U.S. nutrition and Drug management opposed to flibanserin, a drug proposed to regard low sexual wish in ladies, dubbed via the media the “pink Viagra.” She used to be one of the teachers and activists sounding the alarm concerning the loss of technology in the back of the hunt for probably profitable lady sexual enhancement drugs.
In her booklet, massive Pharma, ladies, and the Labour of affection, Cacchioni strikes past the quest for a sexual pharmaceutical drug for girls to invite a broader query: how does the medicalization of woman sexuality already have an effect on women’s lives? utilizing in-depth interviews with medical professionals, sufferers, therapists, and different clinical practitioners, Cacchioni indicates that, regardless of the way forward for the “pink Viagra,” heterosexual ladies usually now believe anticipated to tackle the activity of dealing with their and their partners’ sexual wants. Their look for sexual excitement could be a “labour of love,” paintings that's stress-free for a few yet a chore for others.
An unique and insightful tackle the load of straight norms in an period of obligatory sexuality, Cacchioni’s research may still open up a wide-ranging dialogue concerning the real effect of the medicalization of sexuality.
Read or Download Big Pharma, Women, and the Labour of Love PDF
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Additional resources for Big Pharma, Women, and the Labour of Love
150). Goldstein’s wife Sue also gave a talk on the benefits of using DHEA based on her own experiences with the supplement. It was no accident that 2000 was the year of “desire” and “hormones” in the world of sexual medicine. The same year, publicity began to emerge about Intrinsa, a testosterone patch developed by Procter & Gamble for the treatment of hypoactive sexual desire disorder (HSDD). Soon after the announcement of phase-two clinical trials of Intrinsa, a conference titled “Androgen Deficiency in Women: Definition, Diagnosis, and Classification” was announced.
Jackson (1999) cites three mutually reinforcing levels of heteronormativity: the normalization of heterosexual institutions that organize sexuality and reproduction, of heterosexual identities as discourses and practices that take heterosexuality for granted and mark LGBTQ identities as “other,” and of phallocentric, goal-oriented, penetrative sexual practices. 61). 27). In addition to law, custom, religion, and popular culture, sexology – and now sexual medicine – bolsters these norms through the construction and validation of what Nicolson (1993) has termed the biological, coital, and orgasmic imperatives, which normalize and essentialize reproductive, genital heterosex.
Among other aspects, all are oriented towards the endpoint of restoring penetrative sex. In addition, selfhelp literature and groups are often dedicated to sharing biomedical information, and biomedical treatments are often remarkably low-tech, sharing some similarities (as well as differences) with grassroots feminist consciousness-raising techniques. In Chapter 3, “The Limits of Normative Heterosex,” I argue that the psycho-social and interpersonal context of sexual activity is central to women’s experiences and judgment of sexual problems.